To enforce increasingly restrictive reproductive laws, Iranian authorities have implemented punitive measures aimed at deterring and criminalizing abortion. One such measure includes mandating local laboratories to report positive pregnancy tests, a practice framed as a way to prevent so-called “criminal abortions.” Authorities have also introduced a pregnancy registration system, presented as a tool for “support and care,” but in reality designed to enable state monitoring and control over pregnant individuals.

The “Rejuvenation of the Population and Support of the Family” law not only reinforces existing restrictions but also intensifies penalties for anyone involved in abortion, including medical professionals and the pregnant women themselves.

While providing abortion services without legal authorization has long been criminalized, the new law raises the stakes significantly. According to its provisions:

• Physicians, midwives, pharmacists, or any individuals practicing medicine, midwifery, surgery, or pharmacy who perform or assist with abortions—or provide the means to do so—face revocation of their professional license, imprisonment of five to ten years (a fourth-degree offense), and dismissal from public service or a permanent ban from their field.
• Pregnant women who undergo an abortion without legal authorization face varying punishments based on the gestational age:
  • If the abortion occurs after 16 weeks, the woman may be sentenced to 2 to 5 years in prison and ordered to pay diya (blood money or financial compensation).
  • If the abortion occurs before 16 weeks, penalties may include imprisonment or payment of diya.
• Furthermore, anyone who, through cyberspace or social media, promotes, teaches, encourages, or introduces tools or methods for abortion—or facilitates access to it— can be sentenced to 5 to 15 years in prison (third- or fourth-degree offenses).
  This provision is explicitly designed to target activists and grassroots initiatives that help women access safe abortion services or share reproductive health information online.

In practice, this legal framework not only strips women of bodily autonomy but also criminalizes support networks that aim to safeguard women’s health and rights. It marks a severe escalation in state surveillance and repression of reproductive freedom.

In July 2012, the Iranian government announced it would no longer fund family planning programs, a dramatic reversal after two decades of support. This shift was especially striking for a country once celebrated as a global success story in family planning, with robust rural healthcare infrastructure and high levels of female education contributing to one of the fastest demographic transitions in history.

By the time of this policy change, family planning services had become widely accepted and deeply embedded in public health systems across Iran. Once such services are widely adopted, demand remains strong, making efforts to roll them back both socially disruptive and medically harmful.

Access to family planning has well-documented benefits: it improves maternal and child health, supports higher educational attainment, and enhances economic stability at the household level. These advantages extend to the broader society, promoting long-term development and wellbeing. From a demographic standpoint, the government’s strategy to restrict access to contraception, by making services unavailable or unaffordable, is unlikely to achieve its stated goal of increasing birth rates or encouraging larger families.

Meanwhile, Iran’s increasingly stringent abortion laws have not only led to a rise in unsafe abortions but have also deepened existing health inequalities. Women—especially those from economically disadvantaged backgrounds—are disproportionately affected, facing heightened risks due to limited access to safe, legal, and affordable reproductive healthcare.

Rather than fostering population growth, these restrictive measures threaten to undermine public health, strain healthcare systems, and marginalize already vulnerable populations.

The head of the Joint Commission on Population Growth and Family Support in the Iranian Parliament has stated that approximately 500,000 abortions are performed in Iran each year. While no official or comprehensive statistics exist on the exact number of abortions, data from the Population Youth Center of the Ministry of Health suggests that at least 1,000 abortions occur daily across the country.

Government officials acknowledge that this figure is an estimate, and some experts and observers argue that the actual number may be significantly higher, given the prevalence of unreported and clandestine procedures due to legal and social restrictions.

The most commonly used abortion methods in Iran include dilatation and curettage (D&C), electric vacuum aspiration (EVA), manual vacuum aspiration (MVA), and medical abortion using misoprostol—commonly referred to as MMA (Medical Methods of Abortion).

In the case of illegal abortions, post-operative care is typically available at both public and private hospitals as part of the broader primary healthcare system. However, many women are afraid to seek hospital care if complications arise, fearing they may be reported to the authorities. This fear of criminalization and potential legal consequences often leads them to avoid medical attention, even in emergencies. As a result, there have been numerous cases of women dying from unsafe abortions due to lack of timely post-abortion care.

In practice, healthcare providers rarely report illegal abortions to authorities, and such cases are seldom prosecuted unless a formal complaint is filed. The increased use of prostaglandins (such as misoprostol) instead of surgical methods like curettage has significantly reduced maternal mortality rates in Iran, even in the context of unsafe or unauthorized abortions.

In recent years, feminist initiatives like Zaagaah have begun facilitating access to safe abortions within the country by providing abortion pills, offering counseling, and supporting individuals with structured guidance and accompaniment throughout the procedure.

Iran is the first Islamic country in contemporary times that has attempted to combine principles of theocracy and religious law with representative, parliamentary democracy. Abortion for medical reasons to save the life of the mother has always been permitted in Islam. What is new about these current rulings and legislation in the case of the Islamic Republic of Iran is that it specifies and broadens the conditions under which a mother or family may seek a therapeutic abortion. More importantly, for the first time, fetal viability and social hardships have been considered reasons for requesting a therapeutic abortion

All scholars, from the four Sunni and the Shiite schools of thought, agree that after the fourth month of gestation an abortion cannot be performed unless it is to save the mother’s life. This is true, according to classical jurisprudence and contemporary scholarship. The disagreements are related to the status of the fetus before 4 months of gestation.

Traditionally, Shiite scholars did not allow abortion before 4 months either. Among contemporary Sunni scholars, there is still disagreement on when an abortion is permissible without payment of tort, and after which point it is no longer allowed, with exceptions as noted earlier. There is a range of opinions on whether it is even a sin to abort a fetus before, at the very least, 40 days. Nearly all jurists agree that wanton abortion is to be discouraged, and that there should be a good reason for an abortion—namely, the mother’s health—even before 4 months of gestation. The contemporary Shiite Ayatollahs are nearly unanimous in their rulings on abortion before 4 months of gestation, and this is discussed in detail later.

Despite severe restrictions on abortion in Iran, there are many researchers on abortion related issues inside and outside the country

To effectively reduce the prevalence of unsafe abortions in Iran, the Ministry of Health must revise and adapt current health and family planning policies to address the diverse needs of different communities, particularly in the short term. This includes developing localized and culturally sensitive programs, with a specific focus on provinces that experience high fertility rates and low contraceptive use—such as Sistan-Baluchestan, Hormozgan, and Bushehr.

These efforts should be further strengthened by integrating comprehensive sex education into school and university curricula. Students must receive accurate, age-appropriate information on modern contraceptive methods. For adolescents in particular, sex education should emphasize the importance of using protection, such as condoms, to encourage responsible and informed decision-making around sexual and reproductive health.

In addition to structural reforms, the Ministry of Health should consider forming partnerships with women-led initiatives working in the field of reproductive health and education. By providing these groups with resources, training, and access to public facilities, the government can enable them to expand their reach and support more individuals, especially in underserved communities.

New efforts have recently emerged around abortion-related issues in Iran. One of the most prominent initiatives is Zaagaah, launched in 2021. In addition to creating awareness-raising content on reproductive rights, Zaagaah has supported hundreds of individuals in accessing safe abortions. Its work includes offering counseling, accompaniment, and personalized support throughout the process, helping people navigate the legal and social barriers that restrict access to reproductive healthcare.